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The United States-China Trade War: Implications for the Liberal World Order Topic: The United States-China Trade War: Implications for the Liberal World Order Abstract This research focuses on the implications of trade war between United States and China during Trump era. This study explains the reasons that led trade conflict to trade war between two powers. It also highlights the policy measures taken by both states. Trade conflict converted into trade war and how it is a threat to a rule-based system. Tariff hike by one state begets the tariff rise from the other side. China's unprecedented rise in the past two decades and China's growing trade has irked the US. United States has been the advocate of free trade and economic liberalism itself. However, in the wake of rising China, it has set aside its own principles and is adamant to curb expansion of Chinese goods. This tension has led to daggers drawn between the two giants that are hampering world trade. Apart from it, as all states strive for power so the weak and vulnerable states are in a state of utter shamble. Their interests are at stake. The closely allied states to China may face wrath of the US and vice versa. There is a general opinion taken by the researcher while doing this research from different primary and secondary sources that a candid clear deal between the two powers is not only necessary for world peace but smooth grow of world economy at every level too. Both the powers must remain intact for bringing valuable solution to their trade imbroglio. The research also presents an analysis of overall world trade and contribution of the two worthy states. Key Terms US, China, Trade War, Tariffs, Liberal Word Order, Trade deficit, Protectionism, Neomercantilism, Political Economy, Free Trade
The United States-China Trade War: Implications for the Liberal World Order Topic: The United States-China Trade War: Implications for the Liberal World Order Abstract This research focuses on the implications of trade war between United States and China during Trump era. This study explains the reasons that led trade conflict to trade war between two powers. It also highlights the policy measures taken by both states. Trade conflict converted into trade war and how it is a threat to a rule-based system. Tariff hike by one state begets the tariff rise from the other side. China's unprecedented rise in the past two decades and China's growing trade has irked the US. United States has been the advocate of free trade and economic liberalism itself. However, in the wake of rising China, it has set aside its own principles and is adamant to curb expansion of Chinese goods. This tension has led to daggers drawn between the two giants that are hampering world trade. Apart from it, as all states strive for power so the weak and vulnerable states are in a state of utter shamble. Their interests are at stake. The closely allied states to China may face wrath of the US and vice versa. There is a general opinion taken by the researcher while doing this research from different primary and secondary sources that a candid clear deal between the two powers is not only necessary for world peace but smooth grow of world economy at every level too. Both the powers must remain intact for bringing valuable solution to their trade imbroglio. The research also presents an analysis of overall world trade and contribution of the two worthy states. Key Terms US, China, Trade War, Tariffs, Liberal Word Order, Trade deficit, Protectionism, Neomercantilism, Political Economy, Free Trade
The US Intervention and Conflict Resolution in Afghanistan (2001-2020): Strategies and Outcomes Abstract This thesis relates game theory as a conceptual framework to analyze the varying U.S. strategies for conflict resolution in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2020. Despite almost two decades of the U.S. intervention, Afghanistan remained unstable and lacks peace, indicating the failure of the U.S. strategy to resolve the conflict. Existing research lacks a clear linkage between the varying U.S. strategies, the reasons for the failure of old strategies, and the rationale for adopting a new strategy. This case study research adopts a qualitative approach using descriptive-explanatory design to analyze the success/failure, prospects, and challenges of the U.S. intervention in Afghanistan, specifically with reference to conflict resolution. The study identifies the independent variable as the U.S. strategy in Afghanistan and the dependent variable as conflict resolution. The initial objective of the U.S. intervention was to eradicate Al-Qaeda and its affiliated Taliban, but later expanded to include state-building projects on the Weberian democratic model. Throughout the period of intervention, the U.S. relied heavily on military force and failed to consider the socio-economic and political realities of Afghanistan. The pursuit of a zero-sum outcome of the conflict, specifically the total defeat of Taliban and the establishment of a pro- U.S. democratic government, hindered any meaningful settlement of the conflict. Taliban's resurgence resulted in a similar zero-sum objective of unconditional troops withdrawal. However, the 2020 peace agreement between Taliban and the U.S. marked a shift in strategy towards a non-zero-sum outcome. Nevertheless, the situation of prisoner’s dilemma among the U.S., Taliban, local, regional, and international stakeholders impeded conflict resolution, allowing Taliban to establish a government without sharing power with opposition stakeholders or allowing the presence of any international force. The ongoing irritants among the contending local and regional players, and the indirect influence of the U.S. via economic sanctions, created a situation of prisoner’s dilemma that obstructs the conflict resolution in Afghanistan in the long run. The study recommends further investigation of the challenges and prospects of intra-Afghan power-sharing for sustainable peace and stability in Afghanistan. Keywords: Intervention, Conflict Resolution, Zero-Sum, Non-Zero-sum, U.S. Strategies.
The US Intervention and Conflict Resolution in Afghanistan (2001-2020): Strategies and Outcomes Abstract This thesis relates game theory as a conceptual framework to analyze the varying U.S. strategies for conflict resolution in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2020. Despite almost two decades of the U.S. intervention, Afghanistan remained unstable and lacks peace, indicating the failure of the U.S. strategy to resolve the conflict. Existing research lacks a clear linkage between the varying U.S. strategies, the reasons for the failure of old strategies, and the rationale for adopting a new strategy. This case study research adopts a qualitative approach using descriptive-explanatory design to analyze the success/failure, prospects, and challenges of the U.S. intervention in Afghanistan, specifically with reference to conflict resolution. The study identifies the independent variable as the U.S. strategy in Afghanistan and the dependent variable as conflict resolution. The initial objective of the U.S. intervention was to eradicate Al-Qaeda and its affiliated Taliban, but later expanded to include state-building projects on the Weberian democratic model. Throughout the period of intervention, the U.S. relied heavily on military force and failed to consider the socio-economic and political realities of Afghanistan. The pursuit of a zero-sum outcome of the conflict, specifically the total defeat of Taliban and the establishment of a pro- U.S. democratic government, hindered any meaningful settlement of the conflict. Taliban's resurgence resulted in a similar zero-sum objective of unconditional troops withdrawal. However, the 2020 peace agreement between Taliban and the U.S. marked a shift in strategy towards a non-zero-sum outcome. Nevertheless, the situation of prisoner’s dilemma among the U.S., Taliban, local, regional, and international stakeholders impeded conflict resolution, allowing Taliban to establish a government without sharing power with opposition stakeholders or allowing the presence of any international force. The ongoing irritants among the contending local and regional players, and the indirect influence of the U.S. via economic sanctions, created a situation of prisoner’s dilemma that obstructs the conflict resolution in Afghanistan in the long run. The study recommends further investigation of the challenges and prospects of intra-Afghan power-sharing for sustainable peace and stability in Afghanistan. Keywords: Intervention, Conflict Resolution, Zero-Sum, Non-Zero-sum, U.S. Strategies.
Non-Traditional Maritime Security Challenges in Indian Ocean and Regional Response: Role of Pakistan Abstract Non-traditional security challenges are evolving in the maritime domain and added into the complexity of threats and cause tensions and chaos in the region of Indian Ocean. The research revolves around the socio-economic non-traditional security challenges and their solutions, which are hindrances to peace and stability not only for Pakistan, but the entire Indian Ocean Region. With increasing role of states as well as non-state actors in IOR, there is consequential increase in NTMS challenges, moreover, regional actors find themselves in a dire need to ensure maritime security. Therefore, Pakistan is in quest of deal with these NTMS challenges effectively in its maritime zones as well as area of responsibility assigned by IMO within Indian Ocean. The main objectives of the research is to identify non-traditional maritime security threats in Indian Ocean Region, highlight the role of regional maritime-related organizations within IOR and to analyze their efficacy, discuss non-traditional security of Pakistan in maritime domain, evaluate the mechanisms and procedures designed by Pakistan to enhance peace and stability in the region of Indian Ocean and evaluate the possibility of new mechanisms that Pakistan might use as a guiding post for policy initiatives. Qualitative research design is used by the researcher and it is explanatory in nature. Data is collected through both primary and secondary sources, including archives (PMSA), structured interviews (qualitative in nature), and existing literature through secondary sources like books, research papers, reports, blogs, and existing literature on internet. Furthermore, conceptual framework is designed by the synthesis of securitization and neo-liberal institutionalism theories. This research is an attempt to gather existing knowledge regarding NTS threats in IOR and provides a framework to deal with non-traditional security threats in Indian Ocean Region and describes the role of Pakistan in region.
Non-Traditional Maritime Security Challenges in Indian Ocean and Regional Response: Role of Pakistan Abstract Non-traditional security challenges are evolving in the maritime domain and added into the complexity of threats and cause tensions and chaos in the region of Indian Ocean. The research revolves around the socio-economic non-traditional security challenges and their solutions, which are hindrances to peace and stability not only for Pakistan, but the entire Indian Ocean Region. With increasing role of states as well as non-state actors in IOR, there is consequential increase in NTMS challenges, moreover, regional actors find themselves in a dire need to ensure maritime security. Therefore, Pakistan is in quest of deal with these NTMS challenges effectively in its maritime zones as well as area of responsibility assigned by IMO within Indian Ocean. The main objectives of the research is to identify non-traditional maritime security threats in Indian Ocean Region, highlight the role of regional maritime-related organizations within IOR and to analyze their efficacy, discuss non-traditional security of Pakistan in maritime domain, evaluate the mechanisms and procedures designed by Pakistan to enhance peace and stability in the region of Indian Ocean and evaluate the possibility of new mechanisms that Pakistan might use as a guiding post for policy initiatives. Qualitative research design is used by the researcher and it is explanatory in nature. Data is collected through both primary and secondary sources, including archives (PMSA), structured interviews (qualitative in nature), and existing literature through secondary sources like books, research papers, reports, blogs, and existing literature on internet. Furthermore, conceptual framework is designed by the synthesis of securitization and neo-liberal institutionalism theories. This research is an attempt to gather existing knowledge regarding NTS threats in IOR and provides a framework to deal with non-traditional security threats in Indian Ocean Region and describes the role of Pakistan in region.
Role of Belt and Road Initiative in Reviving East African Economy: A Case Study of Kenya (2017-2022) “ROLE OF BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE IN REVIVING EAST AFRICAN ECONOMY: A CASE STUDY OF KENYA (2017-2022)” ABSTRACT After the initiation of BRI by China in 2013, there erupted a new paradigm shift in the world. Through BRI and via six different corridors across the world, China intends to integrate regions and world. This research looks at brief historical background of China with East African countries including Kenya. Relations between China and East Africa are as old as 9th century. In 1960’s when most of the East African states were undergoing independence movements, China supported them and recalibrated its relations with time. The second part deals with China-East Africa relations referring to BRI in infrastructural, political, economic, social, security and military domain. The relations are concrete in all domains. These domains are further tapped by signing MOUs with East African states. Third part deals with importance of Kenya in East Africa. China’s integration of BRI in Kenya is due to its strategic location, historical linkages, economic development, stability of macro-economic environment and tourism. All these factors make Kenya suitable for BRI’s investment and infrastructural development. BRI has the capability in addressing the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and Big Four Agenda and Vision 2030 of Kenya. The fourth part deals with challenges and opportunities for Kenya in BRI. The opportunities are spread between job creation, human resource development, security cooperation, and improvement in connectivity, collaboration in emerging fields and coordination in international and regional issues. The fifth part deals with implications for China under the umbrella of BRI, which includes resistance, security and political risks along with social problems and natural calamities Final part deals with. International and regional organization which play an important role in the regional integration, which is the essence of the ‘Economic Integration Theory’. Kenya is a member state of UN, AU, FOCAC, EAC and COMESA, that helps in the sustainable development of Kenya by assisting it in different sectors. This study has great influence to directing scholars lacking clear knowledge of China’s contemporary position in East Africa. It will help researcher also to know about the recent development of China and Eastern Africa and potentials in creating relations, especially Kenya under BRI.
Role of Belt and Road Initiative in Reviving East African Economy: A Case Study of Kenya (2017-2022) “ROLE OF BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE IN REVIVING EAST AFRICAN ECONOMY: A CASE STUDY OF KENYA (2017-2022)” ABSTRACT After the initiation of BRI by China in 2013, there erupted a new paradigm shift in the world. Through BRI and via six different corridors across the world, China intends to integrate regions and world. This research looks at brief historical background of China with East African countries including Kenya. Relations between China and East Africa are as old as 9th century. In 1960’s when most of the East African states were undergoing independence movements, China supported them and recalibrated its relations with time. The second part deals with China-East Africa relations referring to BRI in infrastructural, political, economic, social, security and military domain. The relations are concrete in all domains. These domains are further tapped by signing MOUs with East African states. Third part deals with importance of Kenya in East Africa. China’s integration of BRI in Kenya is due to its strategic location, historical linkages, economic development, stability of macro-economic environment and tourism. All these factors make Kenya suitable for BRI’s investment and infrastructural development. BRI has the capability in addressing the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and Big Four Agenda and Vision 2030 of Kenya. The fourth part deals with challenges and opportunities for Kenya in BRI. The opportunities are spread between job creation, human resource development, security cooperation, and improvement in connectivity, collaboration in emerging fields and coordination in international and regional issues. The fifth part deals with implications for China under the umbrella of BRI, which includes resistance, security and political risks along with social problems and natural calamities Final part deals with. International and regional organization which play an important role in the regional integration, which is the essence of the ‘Economic Integration Theory’. Kenya is a member state of UN, AU, FOCAC, EAC and COMESA, that helps in the sustainable development of Kenya by assisting it in different sectors. This study has great influence to directing scholars lacking clear knowledge of China’s contemporary position in East Africa. It will help researcher also to know about the recent development of China and Eastern Africa and potentials in creating relations, especially Kenya under BRI.
Maritime Security and Governance Challenges in Arctic Ocean Region Abstract Due to its enormous natural resource reserves and strategic importance Arctic Ocean region is a vast and dynamic area that is receiving more and more attention from both state and non-state entities. The region's long-term sustainability and stability are threatened by substantial marine security and governance issues nevertheless. This research provides a thorough analysis of the major maritime security and governance issues that Arctic Ocean region is currently facing including the need for effectivegovernance and cooperation between Arctic states and the international community as well as territorial disputes, resource conflicts, and environmental risks. One of the primary challenges facing the Arctic Ocean region is territorial disputes. The Arctic Ocean is a complex region with overlapping maritime claims by the Arctic coastal states of Canada, Denmark, Norway, Russia, and the United States. The melting of the Arctic ice has increased access to the region's resources, including oil and gas, leading to a growing competition for maritime boundaries and exclusive economic zones. This competition has the potential to escalate into conflict and destabilize the region. Another challenge is resource conflicts. The melting of Arctic ice is creating new opportunities for commercialshipping, tourism and resource extraction. However the region's vast and fragile ecosystemis under threat from increased human activity including pollution and overfishing. Additionally the competition for resources has the potential to create tensions among Arctic states and non-Arctic actors. The need for effective governance and cooperation among Arctic states and the international community is critical to addressing these challenges. The Arctic Council an intergovernmental forum consisting of theArctic coastalstates and other observer countries plays a crucial role in facilitating cooperation and addressing common challenges. However the Arctic Council's ability to manage governance challenges is limited by its lack of binding decision-making power. Matters inthe region can be seen becoming ever more tortuous with the ever growing interests and presence of non-regional states, particularly china.
India's Increasing Defense Spending under Modi Era: Impact on Regional Strategic Stability of South Asia The arrival of Narendra Modi in Indian politics as the fourteenth Prime Minister has changed the main course of Indian defense policy by revisiting and improving the conventional foundations of Indian strategic thinking. Modi's way of managing the mainstream security challenges of traditional and non-traditional nature has generated a new debate in contemporary world politics in which the leading architectures of Indian national security policy and strategic planning have decided to improve the role of war-fighting capabilities of regular Indian armed forces. The government authorities under the leadership of Modi have accepted the significance of modern warfare technologies in the conventional and non-conventional defense domains. This objective has led the New Delhi-specific security establishment to allocate sufficient financial resources to the Indian armed forces and let the Indian defense planners upgrade the country's domestic defence industry. The quest for obtaining modern warfare technologies and integrating these advanced technologies with the conventional defense system of India has resulted in New Delhi's growing strategic engagements with the great powers. Parallel to signing various defense agreements and security deals with the great powers, New Delhi has started exploring the new domains of the international community for expanding its strategic engagement across the globe. Thus, signing strategic collaboration has convinced Indian leaders to focus on the scientifically advanced and technologically advanced nation beyond the great powers. Prime Minister Modi's strategic vision is important in this regard because the ultra-national agenda of Modi has brought various policy reforms in the fields of security and defense. The hardcore nationalist agenda of Modi has even improved the role of the indigenous defense industry by introducing various new programs in the defence sector. These developments are purely domestic matters of Indian politics. However, the impacts of these national-level developments cannot be separated from the ongoing strategic matrix between New Delhi and Islamabad. In other words, the impacts of Modi's decision to increase Indian defence spending on the scope of regional strategic stability cannot be marginalised in the South Asian intense security environment. The growing defense spending of New Delhi leaves worse impacts on the values of peace and stability in the South Asian region under nuclear shadows. Therefore, this research provides a comprehensive understanding of India's increasing military budgets under the Modi government and its relevance to the notion of strategic stability between the pair of South Asian nuclear weapon states. Key Words: Indian Military Spending, Modi‘s Defence Budget, Military Modernization, India-Pakistan Conflict, Strategic Stability.
EVOLVING DYNAMICS OF THE KASHMIR CONFLICT: POLICY OPTIONS FOR PAKISTAN Abstract India and Pakistan's disputes stem from historical, territorial, and ideological differences, including the partition of British India in 1947, leading to the Kashmir conflict, competing claims over regions like Jammu and Kashmir, Siachen Glacier, and Sir Creek. Additionally, issues of water sharing, and divergent foreign policy priorities contribute to the ongoing tensions. These disputes are deeply rooted, aggravated by national identity, regional interests, and geopolitical factors, hampering efforts towards sustainable peace and cooperation between the two countries. The genesis of decades-long hostility between the of neighboring states can be traced in the Kashmir issue which has created uncompromising stances on the part of between India and Pakistan against each other. The Kashmir issue, which resulted from the partition of the subcontinent, has led the governments of both states to oppose each other in regional and extraregional affairs. it has resulted in a few wars and countless border skirmishes. This trend of IndiaPakistan conflict has left worse impact on the regional political order in South Asia. The role of third parties, as mediator and facilitator, and the performance of the United Nations remains ineffective in resolving the Kashmir issue between two major powers of South Asia. Additionally, the regional multilateral framework of South Asia under the SAARC also proved ineffective in addressing the inflexible standings of New Delhi and Islamabad on the Kashmir issue. The recent developments on the Kashmir issue can be identified by the constitutional changes in India regarding the autonomous status of Kashmir. The constitutional changes have marked a fundamental change I the character of Kashmir conflict. Therefore, the central theme of this research revolves around the position of Kashmir in the post-2019 scenario when the Indian government brought major changes in the form of the revocation of Articles 370 and 35-A. These constitutional changes compelled Pakistan to oppose the Indian Kashmir-specific changes in the Indian Constitution and led the government of Pakistan to highlight the Kashmir issue at international forums. This research tried to emphasize the nature of constitutional changes, the reasons behind New Delhi’s decision for changing the status of Kashmir, the evolving dynamics of Kashmir following the revocation, and the reaction of Pakistan. In this way, it is more appropriate to maintain that this research is an academic endeavor to comprehend the status of Kashmir between India and Pakistan in the post-2019 scenario in which Pakistan has been pushed at a disadvantageous position in regional politics. Drawn on neo-classical realism, this study finds that India has acted assertively and consistently to revoke Kashmir’s special status. Through constitutional changes, India aims to alter the socio-political order character of Jammu and Kashmir. On the other hand, Pakistan’s response remains inconsistence, reactive and event-based.
The Otherization of Religious Minorities in India under the BJP Government: A Case Study of Muslim Minority (2019-2021) Abstract This research study analyzes the policies and strategies of Modi-led second term BJP government in India against minorities, particularly towards Indian Muslims. This study explores how state apparatus and constitutional tools have been used to further marginalize Muslims in India. In doing so, the study analyzes constitutional arrangements including the abrogation of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution; a revised National Register for Citizenship; Citizenship Amendment Act and judgement of the Indian Supreme Court on Babri Mosque controversy. Viewing these developments through the philosophy of ‘Majoritarianism’, the study argues that the socio-political rhetoric of Hindu nationalism is based on the foundations of ‘Majority versus Minority’ that the BJP established in India after coming into power. This led the proponents of the Hindu nationalist agenda to divide the society into two distinct communities of ‘own’ and ‘other’, which ultimately resulted in further exclusion of minority communities, depriving them socio-politically and economically. Subsequently, minorities have been suffering from systematic ‘Otherization’ for decades, which is directly proportionate to the rise of Hindu nationalism in India. This otherization, confined to social policing before and during the first term of the Modi-led BJP government, has taken shape of institutionalized marginalization since. The research elucidates the abovementioned constitutional arrangements as instances of this institutionalized otherization. While Muslims are a primary target of systemic otherization, the research argues that the secular character of Indian constitution itself becomes questionable as India is on the way to become a majoritarian state. Space has been shrinking for independent institutions due to these majoritarian policies of the current Indian government. Media, civil society, and judiciary are unable to play an independent role to correct the course of the state. Political parties – including the Congress Party – have largely compromised their secular agenda and are following a Soft Hindutva approach to appease the majority. The overall scenario is not in favor of the suppressed classes (low castes in India) and minorities. The research study argues that the phenomenon of majoritarianism and otherization in India has serious implications for regional peace and stability, if not countered in due course of time.
The Growing Rapprochement between Israel and Arab States: Causative Factors and Prospects Abstract Despite historical tensions, recent developments have shown signs of change, indicating a potential shift towards peace and collaboration. The study primarily focuses on the factors driving this normalization with Israel, with a particular emphasis on the role of political and economic elites in Arab states. Economic considerations, such as trade and investment opportunities, have played a crucial role in motivating some Arab states to pursue closer ties with Israel. Additionally, the United States has played a significant role in fostering Arab-Israeli reconciliation, leveraging its global influence and close relationships with both parties. The research adopts a qualitative, explanatory, and descriptive research design Primary data is collected through interviews and archives, while secondary sources, such as books, scholarly articles, publications, and web sources, are utilized for supplementary information. Discourse analysis is employed as a method to evaluate documents, such as accords and agreements between Arab states and Israel, to gain deeper insights into the narrative surrounding the normalization process. The findings shed light on the historical context and complexities of the Arab-Israeli conflict, examining the factors contributing to the recent trend of reconciliation. Understanding the causes and mechanisms behind this shift is essential for fostering more significant understanding and collaboration between the two sides, and may serve as a guiding post for future policy initiatives aimed at ensuring a more promising and cooperative regional environment in the Middle East.
US 123 AGREEMENTS WITH INDIA: IMPLICATIONSFOR NUCLEAR NON-PROLIFERATIONTREATY Abstract The 123 Agreement established the legal framework for significant transfers of nuclear material or equipment of United States to other countries. This thesis establishes that the Indo-US Nuclear deal has challenged the efficacy of the NPT and established nuclear nonproliferation norms and orders. The primary research method for this study is qualitative while deductive reasoning is used by the researcher. Moreover, the objectives of the research are to comprehend the impact of 123 agreement on NPT, explain policy impact of 123agreements on other Non NPT states. The realism lens is used to explain the argument. Details collected from secondary resources including books, research papers, journals and articles. The agreement has raised broader questions about the criteria-based approach to emerging nuclear aspirants and the need for strengthening global governance in the nuclear field. Moving forward, it is important for all states to work together to strengthen nuclear governance regimes for safety, security, and non-proliferation and to ensure that all states adhere to their rights and responsibilities. The thesis aim to enhance the NPT framework by strengthening and reconsidering the review process, promoting dialogue, improving safeguards, fostering international cooperation, and adapting to evolving geopolitical dynamics, thereby encouraging responsible behavior